SPY EYES

It is become some what of trend in chattering classes of Pakistan where causes are fads and the latest fashion. If you disagree with Baloch separatism you are automatically illiberal, Islamist, ISI Stooge, Punjabi elite boys, fakester, Fake Liberal, racist against Baloch people and so on and so forth. Therefore let me state it at the outset- Baloch Separatism is not a liberal cause. In fact it is not much of a cause as much as it is a bunch of political actors fighting over royalty from Gas well heads (Forget that Article 158 of the Constitution gives Balochistan first dibs) who can give two hoots about the people they keep mired in backwardness. Compare it to the real problems that countless Ahmadis, Shias, Christians, Hindus and Sikhs face in terms of real discrimination and to the systematic discrimination against women of Pakistan face both at the hands of the state and society. No sir – almost every ethnic issue is a case of mafias spinning out of control and of them the most distasteful is Baloch separatism. It is of course easier to stand for Baloch separatism – which is a fad and a fashion statement- than speak out for Ahmadis, Shias, Christians, Hindus or Sikhs and thereby incur the wrath of the mighty Mullah.

First of all let us get something straight: I believe an identity is as real as it is imagined. Some identities are well imagined. Others less so. This is in any event a liberal point of view of identity which allows a freedom of conscience in choosing one’s identity. Then of course there is the well established school of Dialectical Analysis which seems to locate nationalism in social and material conditions of a group of people. Again this too is an equally valid point of view with a number of excellent scholars of the Marxist bent forwarding it. Without going in to too much detail, Marxists historically supported Muslim Nationalism in India on the grounds that it was step towards a creation of a bourgeois nationality – which it was – for Muslims of British India. (Indian historian Sumit Sarkar for example attributes the creation of Muslim bourgeoisie to the creation of Pakistan.) They had also predicted a future rise of submerged Muslim sub-nationalities i.e. Baloch, Sindhi and Pushtoon as early 1940 (See G. Adhikari’s work- read my article “Communists and the making of Pakistan”). Consistent with this idea (and perhaps swept away by the times which had seen Che Guevera become the most important icon for the left) many young and idealistic Marxists who had been educated at the best universities in the world left their lives of privilege in Lahore and Karachi and joined a Guerilla movement aimed at independence of Balochistan in the 1970s.

The problem with Baloch separatism is not that it is identity politics without a mask. Identity is the most natural and primordial urge. It is however not necessary that every identity must equal a state. Even partition of India was not inevitable and even then the number seceding was as many as 90 million in 1947. Even if we take the simplistic view of history and state that Muslim nationalism alone created Pakistan, it must be stated the case of a separate Muslim majority state owed much to geography, to parochialism and particularism of Muslim majority areas in the North West both for and against partition and most of all – to use Hamza Alavi’s classic marxist formulation – the Salariat or the rising Muslim bourgeoisie. This is what Wilfred Cantwell Smith said when he claimed that it was simply a clash of Muslim and Hindu bourgeoisies. Now what does this have to do with Baloch separatism? Well herein lies the rub: the bourgeoisie amongst the Baloch are by and large very well integrated into the Pakistani bourgeoisie all over Pakistan. There is then no chance that Baloch nationality can ever emerge out of its primordial tribal stage. Without a bourgeoisie to inform its culture, if you take away the Sardari system, the harsh Baloch code, a criminal system that seeks to prove guilt by a walking test – a test of coal and fire- and a culture that promotes the live burial of women – Baloch culture becomes but a variant of Pakistan’s other ethnic cultures i.e. Punjabi, Seraiki, Sindhi, Pakhtoon, Hazara, Brohi and so on and so forth. Balochistan is not Bangladesh either. Bengal – where all political and intellectual movements started- was by far the most politically advanced region. Bengalis had been in the forefront of every political movement. Their contribution to the Pakistan Movement was of a much more substantial nature than the people of the erstwhile West Pakistan. It was always an aware and positive sentiment – Muslim nationalism in Bengal was peasant based and therefore informed by class division. It was inherently progressive and not reactionary. Balochistan therefore can never be Bangladesh and not just because of 1000 miles of India in the latter case, but because Bengali nationalism was a politically evolved nationalism. It was not dependent on archaic racial theories disproved both by history and modernity like Balochistan is.

Then it is forgotten that race – unlike language or culture or religion- is easiest to dilute through inter-marriage hence least secure of all in the modern world. A significant number of Punjabis and Sindhis are ethnically Baloch. Legharis, Lasharis, Rinds, Khosas in Punjab and Zardaris and Brohis in Sindh are all Baloch. If we were to use 1/8th rule, I’d even say that there are five times as many Baloch outside Balochistan than in it. One of their heroes – Chakar-e-Azam- is buried in Punjab and spoke Punjabi fluently. His direct descendants- the Rinds- are in Punjab and have nothing to do with Baloch separatism. Nawab Akbar Bugti – himself an Aitchisonian who lived in Lahore and was quite at home with the Pakistani elite in every way- visited Sahiwal where Chakar-e-Azam is buried on occasion.

Baloch separatists are leading an extremely violent insurgency – much more violent than the Maoist insurgency in India- and at par with the insurgency by the Taliban. This has been coupled by an extremely narrow form of parochialism. The targeted killing of Non-Baloch people – some of whom have lived in the area from much before partition- as well of Moderate Baloch people who want to be a part of the Pakistani federation shows the true nature of Baloch separatist movement.. Tragically the Baloch separatists are stuck in 19th century nationalism with a medieval ethos. Joseph Kony will have a run for his money if these guys were ever to gain any ground in Balochistan.

It must also be stated that there is no military solution to Balochistan. The solution to Balochistan lies in rapidly developing it and educating its people – regardless of what ethnicity they are. And if someone stands in the way of progress, the state should have the political will to prosecute such a person and expose him for everyone to see. This is something however that needs to be done all over Pakistan and would require a fundamental change of character on our part – i.e. from a national security state to a social welfare state.

As for Baloch separatism – let us call a spade a spade.

Source: Pak Tea House