SPY EYES

Now, the Pakistan Air Force is committing air striking in North Waziristan against the terrorists. By now, more than 50 terrorists have been killed. The on-going strikes from the Armed forces, is the retaliation of the brutal murders of its 23 FC men by Taliban extremists. It was surely the same brutality that altogether changed the mood of both Pakistan Army as well as the Federal government. But despite seeing the beheaded bodies of our soldiers, the Taliban supporting parties are still demanding the government to stop the action in the name of restoring “peace talks”.

Ever since the statement as well as the video officially released by Taliban`s sub-group (later on also owned by TTP) came up, government officials, politicians, media and analysts have been condemning it. However, a very important thing that has been totally ignored by them is the fact that our 23 FC soldiers had been missing for about four years, i.e., since 2010. This is extremely astonishing aspect of the tragic incident which has definitely raised some important questions.

It is an open secret that it was the TTP`s massive terrorism all over the country that forced the state of Pakistan to sit on the table not to have contemporary negotiations, but practically to accommodate the Taliban`s demands in order to avoid further disaster. And of course, one of the directly or indirectly conveyed demands from TTP to the government is to release their arrested fellowmen. For sure, it is a very common tactic of war to pressurize rivals so that he can get compelled to accept your demands. Taliban did the same. But, the question is, why did the government and its armed forces not adopt the same approach against TTP so that they could get released the kidnapped FC`s personnel?

Furthermore, Taliban did not reply on only this, they also took a very bold step and formulated a strategy to get their arrested people released by themselves. Following the same, they attacked the Bannu jail and very successfully took their high profile terrorists along with them. The question arises here is, when terrorists can dare to take so bold steps against the state, why couldn`t our armed forces do so? Was it difficult for them to launch similar, rather better, operation in the TTP- held areas and get their abducted soldiers released?

More importantly, Iran has just warned the government of Pakistan to get its abducted border security soldiers released at the earliest. In the other case, it could send its forces in Pakistan for this purpose. It should be kept in mind that the Iranian border personnel were kidnapped in the current month of February. Now, the question is, when a neighboring country is ready to send its forces in the other country (Pakistan) for the release of its people without any delay, was North or South Waziristan beyond the reach of our government and its armed forces? Did Pakistan need to seek any prior permission to enter its borer areas before it could launch any targeted or surgical operation to recover its people? When truly no, then why did the politically elected governments as well as the military establishment wait so long till they received the video of their beheaded soldiers? Now, who would come up to take the responsibility of losing our 23 FC personnel?

Very frankly speaking, no one has any doubt about that the Pakistani armed forces have the capability to very soon eradicate the TTP monsters from the entire country. But, what is emerging is  that a part of our military establishment, as some retired officers of the Army, IB, ISI, MI have already expressed their views this way, is still of the opinion that Taliban and its sub-groups are “Strategic Assets” of Pakistan which can be used against our neighboring enemies in case of war. However, can Taliban, who neither hesitate to shred our innocent people through suicide attacks, nor do they ever repent after beheading our solders, be considered our Assets anyhow? Of course not!

We have just witnessed a massive pubic rally in Karachi to express solidarity not with only Armed forces, but also with the FC, Rangers, Levies and the Police who are fighting against the anti-Pakistan elements. This rally was highly important because of two aspects. Firstly, it was organized by the party (MQM) which became victim of the Army operation not only in the past, but is also once again facing similar situation form the Rangers and Police. Yet, it has given a very loud and clear message to the soldiers that it is standing with them in the on-going war.

Secondly, these are the common people who have already faced the TTP`s terrorism directly or indirectly, yet they came up for the sake of paying a tribute to their own forces against the inhuman elements. In fact, it was their loyalty and the deep respect that they were extending to their armed forces. Can Taliban who neither give dam care to the state of Pakistan nor do they have mercy for its citizens, ever be compared to the patriot Pakistanis? No Never! The Taliban`s butchery has no match with the patriotism and profound love of the Pakistanis for the country and its armed forces.

Therefore, whoever, whether in the government or military establishment, still considers Taliban as Pakistan`s strategic assets, must revisit his view and the resulted policies accordingly. Otherwise, it will be a great disappointment for the people which will not benefit Pakistan at all. 

ARY

As he squatted under a TTP banner and toted his Kalashnikov, his face looked familiar, though his beard had grown much thicker and was perhaps dyed in henna, hiding the grey. After a long disappearance, Mast Gul resurfaced last week in North Waziristan with another militant commander claiming responsibility for a terrorist attack on a hotel in Peshawar that killed several Shias.

That takes me down memory lane more than 18 years ago when the burly young tribesman had returned to a hero’s welcome after leading a bloody, two-month siege of Charar Sharif, a 14th-century shrine in India-held Kashmir. The fighting killed several Indian soldiers and ended in the destruction of the historical holy place.

Working on a BBC documentary on Islamic blowback we travelled with Mast Gul for days filming his ‘victory’ processions in Punjab. Escorted by the top leadership of the Jamaat-i-Islami he was hailed as a great ‘Islamic warrior’. It was apparent that the JI was using him to boost its jihadi credentials and get maximum political mileage.

My most vivid memory was a reception for him at the Punjab University campus in Lahore. The jam-packed auditorium thundered with slogans of “jihad” as Mast Gul entered surrounded by armed militants in camouflage jackets. The atmosphere became more charged as he narrated the story of his encounter with Indian troops. “Kashmir will soon be liberated,” he vowed amid thunderous applause and salutary gunfire.

Such salutation was overwhelming for this tribal bumpkin known as a daredevil maverick to his acquaintances in Peshawar where he had resided. He was non-serious, often poking his colleagues with his Kalashnikov which he loved to keep by his side. He would randomly fire it to show off. The ‘hero of Charar Sharif’, however, was soon in oblivion after falling out with his patrons — until his reappearance last week.

That was the time when militant groups openly operated under the state’s patronage, recruiting volunteers that mostly attracted young men like Mast Gul, fascinated by guns and with a love for adventure. There were others too motivated by religious belief.

The militant groups would demonstrate guerrilla training sessions on Lahore’s Mall Road and other city centres. Through graffiti, wall posters and pamphlets they invited young men for training. ‘Jihad is the shortest route to heaven’ was one of many exhortations.

Many ideologically indoctrinated men died fighting in various global jihad theatres from Kashmir to Afghanistan, Bosnia and Chechnya. Pakistan had earned the unparalleled distinction of being the only country using militancy as a tool of its foreign and security policy, turning the country into a nursery for jihad. People like Mast Gul were certainly no aberration. The ruthless use of militancy for dangerous proxy wars has ultimately come back to haunt this country. The transition of Mast Gul from street urchin to jihadist and to ultimately ending up as a terrorist is also the story of many others.

A large number of militant fighters like Mast Gul have now taken up jihad inwards, killing their old patrons in security agencies as well as innocent Pakistanis. Their targets are also members of the Shia community and of other religious minorities: anyone who does not subscribe to their retrogressive worldview has to be eliminated.

Though the state’s change of tack after 9/11 may have precipitated Pakistan’s war within, it was only a matter of time before these motivated holy warriors turned against their own people in the name of religion. The culture of jihad sponsored by the mullah-military alliance was bound to catch up sooner or later. In fact, it would have been more catastrophic had Pakistan not decided to roll back its policy on militancy and withdraw its support for the Afghan Taliban regime.

It is utterly nonsensical to link the rise of violent militancy to the US occupation in Afghanistan or to drone strikes in Pakistan’s tribal regions. Militancy has been deeply rooted in Pakistan for more than two decades. People like Mast Gul are certainly not the product of the post-9/11 situation.

Therefore, it is an extremely flawed argument that the withdrawal of foreign forces from Afghanistan will bring an end to the jihadi narrative and lead subsequently to the winding down of terrorism. The militants are not fighting for Afghanistan but for the control of Pakistan.

There is no ambiguity whatsoever about what the militants want. They are seeking to impose their retrogressive ideology through brute force. For them democracy is an un-Islamic system and unacceptable. Their war against the Pakistani state has nothing to do with the presence of foreign forces — something that Taliban apologists like Imran Khan want us to believe. Mast Gul and his sort will not disappear post-2014 following the withdrawal of coalition forces across the border.

What an irony that the state is bowing before murderers and criminals like Mast Gul who proudly own the killing of innocent Pakistanis. There’s no precedence anywhere of a state acting so weakly before the terrorists challenging its authority.

What our political leadership does not realise is that conceding their retrogressive ideology would certainly inflame religious tensions and even lead to sectarian civil war in the country. As the state loses control, militant leaders of all hues are resurfacing to assert themselves and revive the jihad industry. This culture of militancy has to be rolled back before it is too late.

Dawn News

EVEN in the best-case scenario of government-Taliban talks succeeding, would the Taliban fighter give up violence to go back to his old calling of madressah teacher, mosque imam, truck driver or small-time criminal? Now that negotiators are flying in to talk to him and every word by his spokesman is being analysed and he finds himself in a position to demand to speak to the prime minister or chief of army staff directly, the stature of his organisation has been raised to that of a national level one.

If he were to sign a peace agreement and go home, he’ll not even be given a chair by the constable in his village. Why would he want to give up all that money, which enables him to buy fancy SUVs, guns and rocket launchers?

Yes, when the pressure increases, he’s on the run, remittances get delayed and there are casualties in his ranks. But as soon as he has time to replenish his supplies and re-establish contacts with his financiers, his trigger finger starts to feel itchy.

This scenario has repeated itself half a dozen times since we started to negotiate in 2004. Will it be different this time? Despite this we go into appeasement mode simply to postpone an all-out war.

But is the only answer an operation in North Waziristan? This single-solution strategy is not understandable, since the government is doing precious little in any other field. While we are waiting for the mighty counterterrorism strategy to be implemented, everything seems to be on hold and the government continues to be in a reactive mode. If it can’t agree on a grand strategy it can at least announce an action plan which encompasses obvious things that need to be done so that society and the government machinery know what they have to do in this war against extremism.

For instance, they could start with doing the following.

• Adopt a zero tolerance approach after each blast. Constitute dedicated teams with not more than four to five cases per team to see the case through to trial and conviction. Currently, law enforcement is losing track of cases. These special teams of provincial police should be monitored by the interior minister personally, and periodically by the prime minister to show that he is leading the war from the front and also to ensure accountability for the law enforcement agencies.

• The tribal area administration needs to be rebuilt post haste. The prime minister should apply himself to this important facet of the war. Extremists have demolished the administrative structure to give them the liberty of action. Unless the government’s writ is re-established, extremists will retain the initiative.

• Currently, district police in most provinces consider extremism the responsibility of the federal government and let extremists be, as long as they are not active in their district. This must stop. The regular police have to be held accountable to ensure the use of the preventive powers given to them under the anti-terrorism laws.

• Taking up seriously matters with so-called ‘friendly’ countries that are believed by many to finance extremists, is essential. The hypocrisy of feting and giving a special welcome to leaders of countries, where our leaders have potential for possible refuge, but which are seen as financing extremists, must stop. Getting funds from these rich countries may be a good reason to respect their leaders, but if there is no country, what use are these funds going to be, except to enrich our leaders and provide them an exile option.

• The potential of squeezing the finances of extremists is underestimated. One never hears of prosecution of banks, hundi agents, etc. Fundraising by banned parties needs to be confronted.

• In the long run, job creation schemes need to be started in KP, south and central Punjab, parts of Karachi; areas known to be bastions of extremists. Countries which profess to be friendly and want to help in this war should be asked to help in schemes of job creation.

• Political affiliation with parties which are known to indulge in terrorism, including against other sects, should severed.

• Madressahs must be brought into the mainstream. Unless the state can control and regulate what is taught here, we can never become a nation. Intelligence penetration and watch, followed by action is required.

• Without an effective judge and witness protection programme, how can the existing rickety criminal justice system even begin to function?

These are just a few of the basic actions that need to be started immediately and highlighted, without waiting for talks or the birth of a security plan.

Dawn News

Three negotiators returned to the headquarters of North Waziristan on Sunday evening after holding consultations with a shura of the banned Tehreek-i-Taliban Pakistan (TTP) on their negotiations with the government.

According to sources, Prof Muhammad Ibrahim, Maulana Yousaf Shah and Maulana Haseeb, who had arrived here from Peshawar on Saturday by a helicopter, held consultations with members of the TTP’s political shura at an undisclosed place in Shawal area of South Waziristan.

The sources said the shura headed by Qari Shakeel had demanded withdrawal of troops from the tribal areas and release of prisoners. “We don’t have complete details of the Taliban’s demands, except these two,” an official said.

After overnight stay in Miramshah, the negotiators will leave for Peshawar on Monday by a military helicopter.

The talks were held in a Taliban-controlled area.

Officials of the administration had been waiting at a checkpost since 10am to receive the Taliban’s negotiators who had gone on Saturday to seek advice from the TTP leaders about the dialogue with the government. They stayed with the Taliban overnight.

A military helicopter was ready at a helipad to take the negotiators back to Peshawar.

Taliban had received them at a checkpost near Civil Colony from where they were driven to an unspecified place.

The Taliban have three councils — political, supreme and Ulema’s. The plan for negotiations will be discussed by all the three shuras and the final decision, the sources said, would be taken by Ulema.

Meanwhile, Interior Minister Chaudhry Nisar Ali Khan is reported to have telephoned the TTP negotiators’ chief Maulana Samiul Haq and asked him why his representatives’ return had been delayed.

According to the sources, Maulana Sami informed the minister that the delegation had to frequently change its location because of drones hovering overhead.

The Maulana said that if the dialogue process was sabotaged from outside it would be tantamount to enmity towards Pakistan.

Local people said drones were continuously hovering over the region.

Reports of television channels quoted unnamed sources as saying the Taliban Shura prepared a draft containing 15 demands.

The demands are: 1) stop drone attacks; 2) introduce Sharia law in courts; 3) introduce Islamic

system of education in public and private institutions; 4) release Pakistani and foreign Taliban prisoners; 5) restore property damaged by drone attacks and pay compensation; 6) hand over control of tribal areas to local forces; 7) withdraw army from tribal areas and close down checkposts; 8) drop all criminal charges against the Taliban; 9) release prisoners from both sides; 10) grant equal rights for all — poor and rich; 11) offer jobs to families of drone attack victims; 12) end interest-based system; 13) end support for the US ‘war on terror’; 14) replace the democratic system of governance with Islamic system; and, 15) end all relations with the US.

Dawn News

Maulana Fazlullah, the new Tehreek-e-Taliban Pakistan (TTP) leader, is a ruthless fighter who is vehemently anti-state and unamenable to peace talks.

Fazlullah was elected as TTP commander by a consultative council of the group on November 7, almost a week after Hakimullah Mehsud, the group’s former leader, was killed by a US drone in the tribal area of North Waziristan.

He is the first commander of the group not to come from the Mehsud tribe in Pakistan’s tribal areas, hailing instead from the northwestern valley of Swat, where he waged a bloody war against the Pakistani state from 2007 to 2009.

As chief of the local chapter of the TTP in Swat, Fazlullah drove civil and military authorities out of the area in 2007, before finally signing a peace agreement with the government in 2009.

The agreement, dubbed the “Nizam-e-Adl” (system of justice), granted the TTP virtual control over Swat and implemented their interpretation of Sharia law, in exchange for the cessation of hostilities.

It soon disintegrated, however, when Fazlullah’s men attempted to expand their sphere of control to neighbouring Buner district.

As a result, Pakistani forces moved into Swat for the second time in two years, resulting in hundreds of deaths and millions of civilians displaced. Fazlullah was finally driven out of the valley by September 2009, with several of his top commanders captured.

But while the government and civilians rebuilt lives in the valley, Fazlullah continued to conduct operations in Swat remotely, from neighbouring Dir district and, as many locals tell Al Jazeera, the Afghan border provinces of Kunar and Nuristan.

From his base, Fazlullah ordered the targeted killings of elders who led peace committees against the Taliban, as well as rights activists. Among the dozens of people the Taliban killed or attempted to kill during this time was Malala Yousafzai, the schoolgirl activist who rose to global prominence following the attempt on her life.

Early history

Born in 1974 in the village of Kuza Bandai, Fazlullah spent his teenage years selling wooden shuttering and doing odd jobs selling items off pushcarts.

He then enrolled in an Islamic school, or madrassa, run by Sufi Mohammed, a prominent anti-government cleric and leader of the Tehreek-e-Nifaz Shariat-e-Muhammadi (TNSM). The TNSM had for years been agitating against the government to have Sharia law imposed in the Swat valley.

Fazlullah went on to join TNSM chief Mohammed when he led a group of fighters from Swat into Afghanistan to fight US forces following the invasion of that country in 2001. He also married Mohammed’s daughter.

By 2004, having returned from the Afghan war, Fazlullah started a local radio station in the valley, hosting a one-hour programme that, to begin with, focused on women’s role in Islam and society.

The show spread his ideas regarding a strict intepretation of Sharia law in all spheres of life. He also took a stance against polio vaccinations for children, dubbing them a “Jewish” or “Western” conspiracy to sterilise Muslims.

‘Sharia or martyrdom’

His status as Mohammed’s son-in-law, a veteran of the Afghan war and his radio show all gained him increased prominence, and the man known locally as “Mullah Radio” was soon rivalling his father-in-law in leading the call for Sharia law in the valley.

His rise culiminated in him leading Eid prayers in the valley’s Kabal ground in 2007, an occasion that saw thousands fall in line behind him as he raised the cry of “Sharia or martyrdom!”

With such support, Fazlullah opened a madrassa of his own at Imam Dehri, imparting both religious knowledge and paramilitary training to those who enrolled, with a view to carrying out “jihad” against both the US and Pakistan.

By late 2007, Fazlullah’s chapter of the Tehreek-e-Taliban had established control over large parts of the valley, weathering a military operation that resulted in the Nizam-e-Adl peace deal.

His group had already established a parallel court system, and he outlawed the operation of businesses such as CD shops, which his group believed to be against Islam. They also carried out attacks against dozens of girls schools, based on the assertion that women should only receive an Islamic education.

During his time in control, Fazlullah ruled over Swat with an iron fist, publically executing both those who would stood against him and those who his group deemed to have violated Sharia law.

Blow to peace talks

Having been targeted in two military operations and engaged in a failed peace deal with Pakistan’s government in the past, it is unclear if Fazlullah will accept an offer of a return to peace talks in his new capacity as overall TTP chief.

Following his election, Shahidullah Shahid, a spokesperson for the TTP, told Al Jazeera that Fazlullah was picked because he was a hardliner who had refused to surrender to Pakistani forces.

The Reuters news agency quoted Shahid as saying: “There will be no more talks as Mullah Fazlullah is already against negotiations with the Pakistan government.

“All governments play double games with us. In the name of peace talks, they deceived us and killed our people. We are 100 percent sure that Pakistan fully supports the United States in its drone strikes.”

Aljazeera